IRTF News

Cañaverales, a town in Colombia’s northern province of La Guajira, has become the first beneficiary of a new government program protecting campesino communities from industrial development. On July 5, 2024, Colombia's Ministry of Agriculture declared Cañaverales a Protected Area for Food Production (APPA), safeguarding 80,000 hectares from coal mining and prioritizing agriculture. This victory follows decades of activism by Afro-Colombian, campesino, and Indigenous communities fighting against environmental degradation caused by large-scale mining.

Despite this progress, the future remains uncertain as corporate power, particularly from companies like the Turkish Best Coal Company, threatens to override these protections. The community's struggle reflects the broader challenges of balancing environmental protection with economic interests under the Petro-Márquez administration, which, despite its focus on rural development and food security, continues to face opposition from business interests and the extractive industry. The people of Cañaverales remain committed to resisting mining and protecting their land, but the threat of corporate influence and legal challenges looms large.

In this monthly newsletter, please read about : 1) ICE Air: Update on Removal Flight Trends, 2) US Government Policy: Some legislators and DHS trying to do more to offer humanitarian relief to migrants, 3) Migration Impacts on Women, 4) At the Border, 5) Beyond Borders: Health and Safety in the Age of Migration in Mexico, 6) Changing Demographics: Migrants to the US Come from Different Corners of the Globe, 7) Danger in the Darién Gap: Human rights abuses and the need for human pathways to safety, 8) Texas Gets Tough on Migrants, 9) Economic Benefits of Immigration – both documented and undocumented migrants, 10) Biden Can Claim Record Numbers of Removals.

TAKE ACTION NOW

Here is what you can do to take action this week and act in solidarity with migrants and their families. (See details at the bottom of this newsletter.)

A) Join a Solidarity Delegation to Southern Mexico:  November 11-16, 2024

B) Stop Criminalizing Migrants Traveling through the Darién Gap

C) Volunteer to Assistant Migrants and Refugees in Cleveland: Catholic Charities

D) Volunteer to Assistant Migrants and Refugees in Cleveland: NEO Friends of Immigrants

E) Get Paid to Assist Migrants and Refugees in Cleveland

F) Act Now for Welcoming, Dignified, and Just Immigration

Read the full IRTF Migrant Justice Newsletter each month at https://www.irtfcleveland.org/blog  

Klas Lundström’s article in Jacobin discusses the sentencing of former Honduran President Juan Orlando Hernández to 45 years in prison for drug trafficking and related charges. Hernández, once a US ally, is now in prison due to a shift in political dynamics that led to his chosen successor losing the 2021 elections. Lundström argues that Hernández's involvement in drug trafficking and corruption is a direct result of US foreign policy and the US-backed coup against left-wing President Manuel Zelaya in 2009.

Hernández’s presidency, marked by widespread violence and corruption, was supported by the US, which turned a blind eye to his illegal activities while he assisted in drug interdiction and migration control. His eventual downfall was accelerated by the electoral loss of the National Party and the subsequent administration’s approval of his extradition to the US.

The article highlights that Hernández’s rise and fall are emblematic of broader US interference in Latin American politics, which has historically favored conservative and pro-US governments. The coup against Zelaya, justified by false accusations and supported by the US, led to increased instability and violence in Honduras. The consequences of this interference continue to plague Honduras, with drug trafficking and corruption deeply embedded in the state’s fabric.

Lundström emphasizes that Hernández’s story reflects the disastrous impact of US policies in Central America, where political and economic turmoil often results from interventions aimed at maintaining US influence.

In less than a decade, El Salvador has gone from the murder capital of the world to having one of the lowest homicide rates in the Western Hemisphere. President Nayib Bukele has been at the helm of this radical transformation. Since taking office, he has led one of the most aggressive anti-gang crackdowns ever seen, suspended key constitutional rights, reshaped the judiciary, eroded prosecutorial independence, and consolidated unprecedented political power in the process.

Data from the Salvadoran government indeed suggests that violence has plummeted to historic lows under Bukele. A closer look at the data and methods used by his administration, however, reveals a more complicated reality of violence, state control, and repression in the country. Under Bukele’s crackdown, the government has been undercounting homicides by as much as 47 percent. In May 2021, Bukele’s government formally started changing how it counted homicides. Then, in April 2022, just days after Bukele declared the régimen de excepción, the government began excluding figures for persons killed in clashes with the police or military, which include shootings, patrols, and operations by state security forces. Where El Salvador has become a true leader—not only in the Western Hemisphere but globally—is incarceration. Under Bukele’s rule, El Salvador has become the most incarcerated country in the world.

Lastly, both Bukele’s supporters and critics have largely taken his administration at its word, failing to consider that the very data touted by the president and his administration is deeply flawed and that homicides under his rule have been deliberately and dramatically undercounted.
“Everyone is talking about Bukele’s model and that it is going to be successful there,” Salvadoran political scientist José Miguel Cruz told Foreign Policy, “and that is just a fantasy.”

The article from Mary Jo McConahay in the National Catholic Reporter on August 6, 2024, discusses the ongoing trial of General Benedicto Lucas García in Guatemala for crimes committed during the country's 36-year internal armed conflict. The trial has highlighted debates among experts over whether the atrocities committed against the Ixil Maya should be classified as genocide or war crimes. Despite differing opinions on terminology, the trial underscores the profound impact of the violence, which included mass murders, cultural destruction, and forced reorganization of communities. The case is seen as crucial for transitional justice in Guatemala, aiming to hold perpetrators accountable and facilitate healing for survivors affected by the violent campaign.

My name is Cruz Salucio and I am part of the staff of the Coalition of Immokalee Workers.

For many years I worked in the fields, especially in tomato, blueberry, and also watermelon harvesting for nine years. So when we talk about heat, it’s a real worry that one has as a worker because every year it gets hotter.

There were moments where  if I ran out of water, well, I had to endure it. Before the Fair Food Program, growers, most of the time, didn’t give water to those who worked, and if you wanted to rest in the field, normally there was no shade so a lot of times you had to go under the bus or go far away to get below a tree if there was one. Or simply stay under the sun. So, those were the situations I saw for a long time.

After a long day of work you would get so thirsty, you would wake up with your mouth so dry in the morning, but we had to keep working and a lot of coworkers we worked with sadly would lose consciousness in the fields. That’s what comes to mind when you talk about the heat. Nowadays it’s getting hotter and that’s very worrying for one’s health as a farmworker.

That’s why I got involved here with the Coalition of Immokalee Workers to fight; to better those situations in the workplace.  – Cruz Saluci, CIW