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In less than a decade, El Salvador has gone from the murder capital of the world to having one of the lowest homicide rates in the Western Hemisphere. President Nayib Bukele has been at the helm of this radical transformation. Since taking office, he has led one of the most aggressive anti-gang crackdowns ever seen, suspended key constitutional rights, reshaped the judiciary, eroded prosecutorial independence, and consolidated unprecedented political power in the process.

Data from the Salvadoran government indeed suggests that violence has plummeted to historic lows under Bukele. A closer look at the data and methods used by his administration, however, reveals a more complicated reality of violence, state control, and repression in the country. Under Bukele’s crackdown, the government has been undercounting homicides by as much as 47 percent. In May 2021, Bukele’s government formally started changing how it counted homicides. Then, in April 2022, just days after Bukele declared the régimen de excepción, the government began excluding figures for persons killed in clashes with the police or military, which include shootings, patrols, and operations by state security forces. Where El Salvador has become a true leader—not only in the Western Hemisphere but globally—is incarceration. Under Bukele’s rule, El Salvador has become the most incarcerated country in the world.

Lastly, both Bukele’s supporters and critics have largely taken his administration at its word, failing to consider that the very data touted by the president and his administration is deeply flawed and that homicides under his rule have been deliberately and dramatically undercounted.
“Everyone is talking about Bukele’s model and that it is going to be successful there,” Salvadoran political scientist José Miguel Cruz told Foreign Policy, “and that is just a fantasy.”

 

News Article

The article from Mary Jo McConahay in the National Catholic Reporter on August 6, 2024, discusses the ongoing trial of General Benedicto Lucas García in Guatemala for crimes committed during the country's 36-year internal armed conflict. The trial has highlighted debates among experts over whether the atrocities committed against the Ixil Maya should be classified as genocide or war crimes. Despite differing opinions on terminology, the trial underscores the profound impact of the violence, which included mass murders, cultural destruction, and forced reorganization of communities. The case is seen as crucial for transitional justice in Guatemala, aiming to hold perpetrators accountable and facilitate healing for survivors affected by the violent campaign.

News Article

My name is Cruz Salucio and I am part of the staff of the Coalition of Immokalee Workers.

For many years I worked in the fields, especially in tomato, blueberry, and also watermelon harvesting for nine years. So when we talk about heat, it’s a real worry that one has as a worker because every year it gets hotter.

There were moments where  if I ran out of water, well, I had to endure it. Before the Fair Food Program, growers, most of the time, didn’t give water to those who worked, and if you wanted to rest in the field, normally there was no shade so a lot of times you had to go under the bus or go far away to get below a tree if there was one. Or simply stay under the sun. So, those were the situations I saw for a long time.

After a long day of work you would get so thirsty, you would wake up with your mouth so dry in the morning, but we had to keep working and a lot of coworkers we worked with sadly would lose consciousness in the fields. That’s what comes to mind when you talk about the heat. Nowadays it’s getting hotter and that’s very worrying for one’s health as a farmworker.

That’s why I got involved here with the Coalition of Immokalee Workers to fight; to better those situations in the workplace.  – Cruz Saluci, CIW

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We fight for a better deal for farmers, workers and the environment through a unique pricing model, rigorous standards and a global support network committed to making ethical trade the norm.

We do not grow bananas in the United States (save the odd local varieties you may find in Hawaii or Puerto Rico). During the four weeks between when a banana is picked to when it is purchased, it travels thousands of miles to get to US grocery stores. So how do they still cost less than apples that are grown locally?

There is no such thing as a cheap product. Somewhere, someone in the supply chain is paying for it—whether that is us, the end consumer, or the farmer, who may be forced by the market into unfair and unsustainable deals. There is always a cost. In the case of bananas, the costs of conventional (non-fair trade certified and non-organic) banana farming are many:

  • Poverty
  • Underpayment
  • Health & safety risks
  • Soil depletion
  • Water shortages
News Article

Juan Carlos Bonilla Valladares, also known as "El Tigre," the former chief of the Honduran National Police, has been sentenced to 19 years in prison for his role in a conspiracy to protect cocaine shipments bound for the United States. Prosecutors described him as facilitating large-scale cocaine trafficking and using violence, including murder, to safeguard drug operations. Despite his defense's plea for a 10-year sentence citing occasional lawful actions and health concerns, the judge imposed a 19-year term in Manhattan federal court. Bonilla Valladares' conviction is part of broader scrutiny of corruption within Honduran institutions, implicating high-profile figures including former President Juan Orlando Hernández and his brother Tony Hernández.

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