IRTF News

A recent study by Caribbean Affirmative in Colombia revealed alarming statistics regarding violence against the LGBTQ community. On average, one LGBTQ person is murdered every two days in the country. Despite Colombia's progressive legal framework for LGBTQ rights, only a small percentage of cases progress to trial, and violence against the community persists. Trans individuals face the highest risk, with Colombia among the countries reporting the most hate crimes against them in Latin America. Visibility remains a challenge, particularly outside urban areas, where discrimination and violence are more prevalent. The organization calls attention to the state's indifference to these cases and demands a change in attitude from institutions to effectively address and prevent violence against LGBTQ individuals. They emphasize the need for improved data collection and enforcement of laws to ensure the safety and rights of LGBTQ people in Colombia.

The Ixil Genocide Case, targeting Manuel Benedicto Lucas García for genocide against the Maya Ixil people during General Fernando Romeo Lucas García's government (1978-1982), commences on March 25. The case marks the third genocide trial initiated by AJR. Approximately 150 survivors are expected to testify. Michelle Liang of NISGUA urges reflection on the US role in the genocide, highlighting its support for the Guatemalan military and police, which perpetuated violence against indigenous populations. The trial underscores Guatemala's post-conflict pursuit of justice, following the Interdiocesan Project of Recuperation of Historical Memory and the CEH's work. The case details the atrocities committed, including massacres and forced disappearances, and outlines the evidence gathered, including forensic reports and military documents. The ongoing trial faces challenges, including potential judicial interference and risks to witnesses. Organizations are urged to support the pursuit of justice and ensure accountability for the atrocities committed during Guatemala's internal armed conflict.

The article in The Nation by Stephen Schlesinger, co-author of "Bitter Fruit: The Untold Story of the American Coup in Guatemala," praises the U.S. government for recognizing the 2023 elections in Guatemala as a step towards making amends for its intervention in 1954. However, the critic argues that this conclusion is flawed. They assert that the U.S. has not adequately addressed the consequences of its actions in Guatemala, including supporting repressive regimes, complicity in genocides against indigenous populations, and maintaining relations with corrupt governments under the guise of democracy. The critic highlights similar patterns in Honduras, where U.S. support for a military coup led to worsening conditions for its people. They criticize Schlesinger's portrayal of the U.S. role in Guatemala and express concern about future U.S. interests in the region.

We acknowledge that this land, that we now call Colorado, was originally stewarded by the Apache, Arapaho, Cheyenne, Pueblo, Shoshone, and Ute people. . We are committed to uplifting our community members from these nations who reside alongside us. We are on land stolen from indigenous people, and it is our responsibility to not only do good work here and walk in gratitude, but also to support indigenous movements for justice.

Read the full article: JOHonduras (shorthandstories.com)

Over a span of twelve years (2010-2022), the United States collaborated with a corrupt drug trafficking regime in Honduras to advance its economic and military interests in the region. Despite its recent legal actions against former Honduran President Juan Orlando Hernández (JOH) for drug trafficking and weapons charges, the U.S. has failed to acknowledge its longstanding support for JOH. This omission reflects a historical pattern of U.S. intervention in Honduras, which has undermined democracy and contributed to the country's transformation into a narco-state under JOH's rule.

The trial against JOH represents a significant moment, with the U.S. government holding its former ally accountable for his crimes. However, it overlooks the U.S.'s own role in JOH's rise to power, including providing funding, weapons, and training to security forces involved in human rights abuses against Honduran citizens. This complicity underscores a paradox in U.S. foreign policy: a pursuit of justice that ignores its own involvement in undermining democratic values.

Anne Milgram, the DEA Administrator, highlighted JOH's central role in a large-scale cocaine trafficking conspiracy, financed by drug proceeds to support his political career and furthered through the resources of the Honduran government. This narrative sheds light on the broader implications of U.S. involvement in Honduras, revealing a complex interplay between economic interests, democratic principles, and the pursuit of justice.

Respect for Indigenous sovereignty and self-government are essential to a future where peoples are not forced to migrate. Will Guatemala’s new government work with communities to make this a reality?

Former Honduran President Juan Orlando Hernández was found guilty of cocaine trafficking Friday after a two-week trial in a New York federal court, where prosecutors accused Hernández of ruling the Central American country as a narco-state and accepting millions of dollars in bribes from cocaine traffickers in exchange for protection. He faces a possible life sentence. Hernández served as president of Honduras from 2014 to 2022 and was a close U.S. ally despite mounting reports of human rights violations and accusations of corruption and involvement with drug smuggling during his tenure. Hernández was arrested less than a month after his term ended and was extradited to the United States in April 2022. “The majority feeling is satisfaction, a feeling of progress in achieving justice,” says activist Camilo Bermúdez from Tegucigalpa. He is a member of the Civic Council of Popular and Indigenous Organizations of Honduras, the organization founded by Berta Cáceres, the Lenca Indigenous environmental defender who was assassinated in 2016 while Juan Orlando Hernández was president. We also speak with Dana Frank, professor of history emerita at the University of California, Santa Cruz, who says the 2009 U.S.-backed coup against President Manuel Zelaya set the stage for the corrupt governments that followed. While U.S. prosecutors may have convicted Hernández, Frank stresses that multiple U.S. administrations “legitimated and celebrated him.”

Former Honduran President Juan Orlando Hernandez, 55, has been found guilty in a New York federal court on charges related to drug trafficking and weapons possession. The jury convicted Hernandez on all three counts, including conspiring to import cocaine into the US, carrying "machine guns and destructive devices" for cocaine shipments, and conspiring to use those weapons for his goals. US prosecutors accused him of collaborating with major cocaine traffickers, protecting shipments in exchange for bribes. Hernandez, who denied the charges, faces potential life sentences. His two-term presidency (2014-2022) was marked by scandals, and the trial was closely watched by Hondurans.

The article discusses the transformative journey of women in Nicaragua, particularly rural peasant women, over the past 17 years. The narrative focuses on various aspects of progress, such as improved gender equity, healthcare, education, political participation, and safety. The positive changes are attributed to the government's shift in priorities, implementing programs like Zero Hunger, free universal healthcare, and educational reforms. The piece highlights women's increased role in agriculture, politics, and law enforcement, leading to economic independence and reduced violence against women. The author interviews Rosibel Ramos, a member of the Rural Feminist Ecological Cooperative "Las Diosas," exemplifying the empowerment and visibility of Nicaraguan women.

Nayib Bukele's recent reelection as President of El Salvador, despite constitutional limitations, has sparked concerns about his leadership style dubbed the "Bukele Model." Douglas Farah of IBI Consultants highlights several worrying aspects of this model:

1. Authoritarian tendencies: Bukele's approach echoes strategies seen in other 21st-century political movements, including undermining checks and balances and consolidating power.
2. Lack of transparency: Government activities are less transparent, with diminished accountability and restricted public access to information.
3. Complex ties with gangs: There's a concerning integration of gangs into the political structure, alongside unsustainable mass incarceration policies.
4. Weakening of institutions: Independence and professionalism within key institutions like the police, military, and judiciary are eroding.
5. Human rights concerns: Despite touted security gains, the human rights cost is high, with a significant number of arrests and alleged abuses.

Farah argues that while Bukele's security model is praised publicly, its efficacy may be overstated, and it comes with significant human rights implications. Additionally, Farah points out Bukele's adoption of authoritarian tactics, including media control and suppression of dissent.

He also addresses concerns about the influence of China, suggesting it's overstated, and advocates for a more consistent critique from the Biden administration regarding anti-democratic trends in El Salvador.