This article by npr delineates how the trump administration is systematically seizing immigrants legal options by taking away their temporary protected status
This article by CovertAction Magazine provides an elaborate overview of Honduras' recent electoral history, its many struggles with this very crucial democratic procedure and the very recent electoral disaster.
This article from NACLA provides insight on the Trump administration's contradictory polices. Occurrences such as the bombing of fisherboats in the Caribbean are contrasted with the pardon for fomer president Juan Orlando Hernandez, who was convicted in US federal court for trafficking tons of drugs into the US.
This digital report by Andrew Trasher explores the nature of ICE's 287(g) agreements with local law enforment forces enabling the agencie to build a "deportation army." The report highlights the extend of ICE expansion by signing areements with different kinds of law enforcement entities, reaching from state prison systems and highway patrols to fish and wild life agencies. Most importantly it emphazises the fact that this quiet mobilization is what makes this widespread deportation action possible in the first place.
A recent article published by The Guardian elaborates on the criminal history of former president of Honduras Juan Orlando Hernandez who was pardoned by Trump. It casts light on a long history of US support for him and shows how the US deliberately looked away during Hernandez's years of eroding democratic institutions and building the narcostate in Honduras.
ICE released new detention data. Austin Kocher breaks down the data and discusses why the composition of people in detention with various criminal histories matters politically and legally.
Juan Orlando Hernández, former President of Honduras who last year was sentenced to 45 years in prison for flooding the United States with cocaine was recently pardoned by President Trump. A new article by the New Yok Times illuminates how this political act is in reluctance with the administrations “fight against drugs” and how Donald Trump's longest-serving political adviser and lobbyist Roger Stone has played into this.
Afro-descendant and Indigenous communities are at constant risk of forced displacement in the Pacific coastal department of Valle del Cauca as armed group vie for social, territorial and resource control.
The families of the Indigenous Wounann community of the Santa Rosa de Guayacán Biodiversity and Humanitarian Reserve in the Lower Calima River region of Buenaventura have been forcibly displaced four times over the past two decades. Their traditional livelihoods—based on fishing, hunting, and agriculture—have been disrupted because of repeated incursions by paramilitaries, guerrilla rebel groups, and military forces. After their last displacement in November 2021, the national government finally gave them the green light to return in December 2023. But because of state neglect, the 30 families who make up the community have suffered from waterborne illnesses and food crises. Now they face another imminent forced displacement.
On November 15, six armed men dressed in black (who did not identify themselves) stormed into the community and started going through people’s homes. They began asking who the main leaders were, where they lived, how many young people were in the community, and what they did for a living. Although they remained for just an hour, the incursion left the families in a state of tension, fear, and anxiety in the face of a potential new displacement.
The Indigenous reserve is demarcated and clearly marked with fences indicating the prohibition of entry for armed individuals. We are urging that the government consult with residents of the Wounaan community to devise better mechanisms to implement precautionary measures issued by the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights to protect their lives and freedom of movement.
One of the significant outcomes of the Peace Accords in 2016 was the installation of the JEP (Special Jurisdiction for Peace), which is a justice component of the Comprehensive System of Truth, Justice, Reparation and Non-Repetition (SIVJRNR). The JEP functions to investigate, prosecute, and punish the most serious crimes related to the armed conflict that occurred before December 1, 2016, seeking to prioritize victims, clarify the truth, and repair the damage. One of the key partners in the work of the JEP is the civil society organization CSPP (Committee in Solidarity with Political Prisoners).
Active in the Atlántico Department chapter of CSPP was 27-year-old Nilson de Arco. In July 2025, as he was meeting in a public space with three other human rights defenders to make a recording, a man on a motorcycle approached them. He got down from his motorcycle and shot Nilson de Arco directly. Nilson was rushed to the hospital. After four months of specialized medical attention, he succumbed to his injuries on November 14.
The fatal attack on Nilson de Arco must be considered in the context of the increasing number of threats, harassment, and violence perpetrated against human rights defenders in Colombia. We urge the government to take the necessary measures to ensure that human rights defenders, community leaders, and civil society organizations can carry out their work without fear of reprisals.
On November 30, Hondurans go to the polls on November 30 to elect their next president. But the elections are happening against the backdrop of escalating U.S. interference in the region. U.S. officials in the White House, State Department and Congress have been nurturing a propaganda campaign by the Honduran right wing press and organizations against the progressive forces in the country reminiscent of Cold War propaganda.
Inside Honduras, there have been attempts to undermine the democratic process.
The National Electoral Council (CNE), headed by three coucilors (each representing one of the major political parties) is highly politicized. Conflicts within the Council have caused concerns for the election. During the March 2025 primary elections, some polling stations in the two largest cities were left without any ballots, while others received the materials many hours late. There were accusations made that the military had not done its job of ensuring that election materials were delivered. There were also accusations that one of the CNE councilors contracted a private transportation company to deliver ballot boxes, but some deliveries were not made. The conservative pro-2009 coup press then used the crisis to undermine public confidence in the electoral infrastructure and institutions.
