Please join us for a 90-minute webinar focused on labor relations in Nicaragua, including questions such as: How does the current situation compare with the previous neoliberal years? How have trade union rights been restored since 2007? How are wages and benefits negotiated?
Bring your own questions! There will be ample time for discussion following our featured speakers.
Two key US Senators have proposed a major reform of US aid to Colombia that would make the US a stronger partner for peace and justice work in Colombia. Their 62-page “United States-Colombia Strategic Alliance Act of 2022″ proposal focuses on such things as rural development, women’s empowerment; protection for labor and peace activists; and the environment rather than on the US’ customary support for military programs. “This legislation underscores the importance of Colombia as our strongest partner in the region, and will support Colombia’s efforts to implement its landmark peace accords, protect human rights, and promote rural and economic development,” said one of the Democratic Senators, Tim Kaine in a written statement.
As then-Honduran President Juan Orlando Hernández’s term came to a close in January, many Hondurans hoped he would soon be extradited to the United States, following the path of his brother, Tony Hernández, who was sentenced to life in prison in the United States on drugs and weapons charges last year. But most people doubted it would actually happen: The now-former Honduran president, notorious for corruption, has remained a close U.S. ally throughout it all. Yet, only two weeks after he left office, the United States formerly requested his extradition. Hernández may seem to be an isolated bad apple in the war on drugs, the series of U.S.-sponsored military initiatives to stop drug trafficking in Latin America. But he’s not the only major political or military official in the region who has allegedly colluded with the very drug kingpins his country has received U.S support to fight. Rather than an aberration, Hernández is a window into the contradictions of the drug war itself, and his fall from grace speaks to deeper dysfunction within U.S.-led efforts to combat drug cartels—not just in Honduras but throughout Latin America.
On Nov. 16, 1989, an elite commando unit killed six priests — five Spaniards and one Salvadoran — along with their housekeeper and the housekeeper’s daughter in the priests’ residence. The killers tried to make the massacre appear as though it had been carried out by leftist guerrillas. Prosecutors allege that Cristiani knew of the military’s plan to eliminate the priests and did nothing to stop them. In a statement released by Cristiani’s daughter, the former leader denied the allegations. Now, A court in El Salvador ordered the capture of former President Alfredo Cristiani in relation to the massacre of the six priests and two others by soldiers.
Guatemala’s congress has increased prison sentences for women who have abortions, bucking a recent trend in Latin America toward expanding access to the procedures. Guatemalan women convicted of terminating their pregnancies can now face sentences up to 10 years that before were a maximum of three. The congress imposed even heavier penalties for doctors and others who assist women in ending pregnancies. Abortions are legal only when the life of the mother is at risk. The Guatemala legislation also explicitly prohibited same-sex marriage – which was already in effect illegal – and banned schools from teaching anything that could “deviate a child’s identity according to their birth gender”.
A mass document leak published by 20 international news outlets including El Faro uncovered how the international owners of an open-pit nickel mine paid off Guatemalan security forces, ignored court orders, and consorted with the highest echelons of Guatemalan government to obscure pollution, crush local dissent, and continue operating with the tolerance of three administrations
The refoundation of Honduras took two more important steps this month. After the successful electoral win of the opposition in November, the initially divided opposition in Congress came together this month and the US officially requested the extradition of JOH for his drug trafficking ties which led to his arrest. Of course, this does not mean that the old power structures are gone, they are still in place, especially in the Judiciary. But change seems possible. This also included the announcement to demilitarize the prisons as well as the state security forces in general. There were other things to celebrate in February, especially the liberation of the Guapinol defenders after over 900 days illegally imprisoned. But the way to a Honduras respecting human rights is still long and steep. Three members of the LGBTQ+ community were murdered in the first week of February; the Minosa mining company seems to be free to ignore court rulings and go on with the exhumation of a Maya Chortí cemetery in Azacualpa; and the indigenous Lenca Tierras del Padre community faced eviction threats. Welcome to another month in Honduras.
Xiomara Castro’s presidency in Honduras offers the Biden administration the opportunity to work on addressing root causes of migration with a partner that now seems far more reliable than in El Salvador or Guatemala. And it offers the U.S. government a chance to begin to address the harm successive U.S. administrations did to the Honduran people by accepting the 2009 coup and embracing corrupt and abusive presidents in power for the last dozen years. Making the most of these chances means supporting those elements of Xiomara Castro’s agenda that tackle corruption, empower and protect human rights activists, and deliver inclusive economic benefits for Honduras’s most vulnerable citizens. To make sure the Biden administration is going in the right direction, it must change the way the U.S. government, certainly over the last dozen years, has systematically failed to listen to Hondurans on the frontlines of defending rights.
The US relationship with Honduras has been incredibly problematic. Part of this is aid being sent to the military and police forces in Honduras, some of whom who have been implicated in human rights abuses. Another is economic aid being sent to support projects that threaten the environment and do not have the support of the people of Honduras.
We're calling on the US Congress to support and advance HR 1574, the Berta Cáceres Human Rights in Honduras Act, to stop weapons and military support to the police and the armed forces of Honduras.
The cooperation between States in multiple fields, including the military, is a valid issue as long as the purpose is cooperation in legitimate defense of national sovereignty, supporting the country in emergency situations or cooperating against forms of organized crime whose combat is beyond the capacity of the armed forces of the country, and as long as it is carried out in accordance with international standards and conventions on the subject, and in full respect of the laws and legitimately elected authorities of the country. Unfortunately, this is not the type of external military presence we have seen in Honduras. Throughout the history we have seen the territorial sovereignty of Honduran people sullied continuously by foreign military forces that have penetrated in total disrespect of national regulations and with purposes contrary to the welfare of the country, and the peace of the Central American region. This is particularly true in the case of the military forces of the United States of America, which on repeated occasions during the twentieth century illegitimately and illegally penetrated Honduran territory. Since 1954 the U.S. military has been present continuously, accompanied by intelligence and logistics services, particularly the CIA, under an unconstitutional bilateral agreement, without the various Honduran governments in office have enforced our laws and our dignity as a sovereign nation.
