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Anti-Militarism: News & Updates

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As the left resumes power with President Xiomara Castro’s inauguration, the official seeks shelter in the United States. Honduran defense minister, Gen. Fredy Díaz, said that he fears being charged with corruption by the newly elected democratic socialist President Xiomara Castro, especially considering the role the Honduran military played in the coup that ousted her husband, former Honduran President Manuel Zelaya. Now the Biden administration is faced with the decision of whether to grant Díaz asylum before possible corruption charges, given that in his role as defense minister, he was at the helm of the Honduran military. The question will serve as a test of how serious the current U.S. government is about respecting the autonomy of governments in the region.

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During the last year, protests were held every 20 hours in Honduras, according to the Committee for Free Expression (C-Libre). The main reasons for the social uprisings were the Special Employment and Economic Development Zones (ZEDES), salary payments, fuel cuts and street repairs. Since the military-backed coup d'etat 2009, Honduras has undergone a change in its social, political and economic life, which has made the welfare of the people more precarious, leading to multiple human rights violations, which left Honduras in an atmosphere of violence.

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U.S. military training bestows prestige and power on its recipients when they return to their home militaries. After graduating from West Point Military Academy, Roberto David Castillo became an officer in the Honduran military and used his military and government positions to directly benefit his corporate pursuits. When Castillo and the criminal structure he was a part of could not silence environmental activist Berta Cáceres through intimidation, criminal charges, or bribery, he used his military skills to coordinate her murder. The issue is not only what is being taught to the graduates of West Point, but the fact that a prestigious U.S. military education bestows significant power and prestige on elites from Central America and other countries, without any accountability for what they use that power and prestige to do.

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More than a month after being forcibly and unlawfully evicted, campesino landowners in the Bajo Aguán region of Honduras regained possession of their lands. This is only the latest in repeated attacks on rightfully held land at the hands of corrupt judicial authorities working in the interests of large agribusiness and mining companies. That the campesino landowners will now be able to return home, is a huge victory. The recent election of Xiomara Castro has given many of our partners and Honduran society reason for hope as a step towards accountability and real democratic change for the first time in the years since the 2009 coup. However, President Castro is already facing significant challenges and political conflict within her own party.

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Guatemala's highest court has sentenced five former paramilitaries to 30 years in prison for raping dozens of indigenous Mayan women during the country's civil war in the 1980s. The men were members of so-called Civil Self-Defense Patrols, armed groups formed and supported by the military. The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights in Guatemala said the sentence was a "landmark advance in the access to the rights to truth, justice and reparation for female victims of sexual violence during" the war.

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On September 16, 2021, a military helicopter appeared and began firing—seemingly indiscriminately—from above. The unsuspecting residents of Ibans, a small Afro-Indigenous community on the northeastern coast of Honduras, ran for cover from the stream of bullets raining down. The authorities, including DEA, initially tried to cover up the Ahuas incident and subsequently to justify it as a matter of security: they alleged that the commercial passenger boat was involved in trafficking drugs and that it opened fire on the military helicopter. Illicit drugs do transit parts of this region in Honduras, and much of the rest of it. In fact, since the Ahuas massacre, cocaine transit through the region has remained, on average, unchanged despite ongoing U.S.-funded enforcement. In this context, these extrajudicial killings have come to represent an ongoing counter-narcotics operation that serves not to stop illegal drug trafficking, but rather to perpetuate violence and impunity through the militarization of Indigenous territories in Honduras. The cost of this overzealous response and intentional neglect can be seen in the lives of Miskitu, Tawhaka, Garifuna, and other Indigenous Peoples.

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